124 years ago, Leandro N Alem gathered his friends at his house to discuss politics. After a while, he put on a poncho and his hat and told them he would go out for a ride in his carriage. Never came back. Inside the same old car shot himself in the temple. He was sick and convinced that there was no other way out for him than to end his life. In his bedroom, he left a letter that became a dogma of the Radical Civic Union, the party that he had founded five years earlier.
“To live sterile, useless and depressed, I prefer to die. Yes, it breaks but it does not bend ”, he wrote, in a message of resistance that politics kept repeating for the next two centuries. The UCR, which over the years broke and doubled several times, today integrates the Together for Change front. And the opposition coalition, battered by the Kirchner offensive to arm a Supreme Court to the measure of Cristina, faces a dramatic dilemma. Bend a little but without breaking. Far from Alem’s romanticism but closer to a dose of realism that ensures his survival.
It has already been seen that the advisory council announced by Alberto Fernández has two objectives. Of its eleven members, nine will align with the idea of expanding the Court pushed by the Vice President. And the other two hide the attempt to bankrupt the opposition. Hilda Kogan is a lawyer with a respected track record and political connections with the UCR. And Inés Weinberg de Roca is the candidate that Mauricio Macri proposed and was never able to become Attorney General of the Nation. Perfect bingo. Two opposing judicial references to show them on TV despite the opposition deciding not to accompany the launch.
After a lengthy and sour discussion, Together for Change strongly rejected Alberto and Cristina’s support for judicial reform. As with the document that was released after the crime of the former secretary of the Vice President, Fabián Gutiérrez, The debate focused on how hard the statement should be. But, unlike that time, Macri joined the board of directors in addition to Horacio Rodríguez Larreta, Alfredo Cornejo, Patricia Bullrich, Martín Lousteau, Mario Negri, Cristián Ritondo, the representatives of Elisa Carrió and María Eugenia Vidal, who surprised getting up from the zoom before a meeting time was up. It is clear that the former governor has some pending accounts in macrism.
The big question in Let’s Change is what to do with Macri. The former president ended his management very badly after four devaluations but retains a significant degree of adhesion in the hardest sectors of the coalition. He has just taken a plane to travel to France and Switzerland, a mixture of vacations and work that facilitates his position as head of the FIFA Foundation. Surely you want to keep that relaxation but you have ahead some court cases that aim to complicate it in the near future.
That was what Macri was talking about before traveling, in a meeting he had with his lawyer, Pablo Lanusse, with his former Minister of Justice, Germán Garavano, and with leaders Cristián Ritondo, Alvaro Gonzalez, Pablo Tonelli and Jorge Enriquez. Oppositional hardships and Peronism’s judicial offensive could achieve the miracle of uniting a space that has a hard time obtaining the least consensus in every conflict.
Carlos Menem convinced the UCR in 1994 to sign the Olivos Pact with which he was only seeking reelection. Néstor Kirchner put together a presidential formula in 2007 with Cristina and Julio Cobos, squire of the radicals K. Alberto Fernández praises once a day Raúl Alfonsín, appointed his son ambassador and will also try to open a furrow between the vanities of Cambiemos.
The operative to divide unstable drive de Macri, Larreta, Vidal, Carrió and the Radicals is underway. It will depend on the maturity of the opposition check whether the coalition doubles, breaks, or resists until the crucial test of next year’s legislative elections.