There is an acceleration of history that always speeds up the transformations after unexpected events.
The coronavirus brought the future closer, demolished the immediate past, produced death, fear and trembling; and here, between us, he designed a new socio-political scenario.
The discomfort spread to the streets. Peaceably.
It is always necessary to analyze the movement of those who demonstrate.
They issue a message according to the way chosen to move and express themselves. There are rectilinear marches, from Casa Rosada to Congress, for example, or vice versa, from Congress to Casa Rosada. They issue concrete political claims in general. There were and are circulars, around the Pyramid as an eternal return of pain (beyond expressions as warlike as those of Hebe de Bonafini). There are silent marches; like those of María Soledad Morales at the time, or like that of the death of the prosecutor Alberto Nisman, a popular funeral that reopened a prolonged elegiac mood in Argentina. There are also banderazos, like the one on Thursday, July 9, a march without leadership, open, capillary disaggregated, virtual incubated in the networks but face-to-face and massive.
The march is an open message with an open itinerary.
Whoever wants to hear let him hear.
The origin of the call was not unitary but federal. Everything springs from the north of Santa Fe, where Vicentin’s appropriation attempt alarmed and curbed those anxieties manifested by that political elite so willing to exaction and centralize the vertical economic command.
On some flank or -as the thinker Elías Canetti- would have said- in the “crystals of mass”, in closed, blinded and exalted spheres, the sectarians appeared, who are minority.
Sectarianism does not distinguish between political positions. There are sectarians in all dimensions of social life. The furious who attacked and threatened C5N journalists, during the flag, they are avenged jibarizados. That pure extraversion of anger is idiotic and necessarily repugnant rage. But the flag was mostly democratic. Without leaders or leaders, without apparatus and without explicit party representation.
The opposition mounted on the subsequent claim of its massiveness.
Every massive march is a political vertigo.
An erroneous singular lightness could define it as a march of hatred.
An ancient superficiality tries to encapsulate it as a march from the right.
The organic left did not march, nor did the proletarianized lumpen of the crisis. But those who came out are beyond historical political geometry. What is the average ideological position of a bankrupt merchant in the pandemic?
They left out of desperation, not because of a political setting.
There is a feeling of being run over, a perception of arbitrariness, a restlessness that comes from injustice.
Official scammers are released.
Those who want to work cannot.
This impossibility, for founded sanitary reasons or without them, incubates and configures a growing malaise. There is a deep claim against injustice. It is a rebellion against impunity that was already designed in advance by the corruption leadership, for the benefit of its accomplices.
Everything is sharpened, encouraged by the irresponsibility that from the discursive powers of power spreads contempt and ignorance about what is happening.
Meanwhile, misery is spreading. Mendicants multiply. The winter night invades them with cold and the days gather them in the popular dining rooms.
In the conurbation virus, poverty and uncertainty advance.
A universe partially dismantled by the pauperization that disarms any foreseeable geographical chart unfolds. Between the law and the anomie there are weak borders and the narcos perceive those black holes to settle and spread. Greater Buenos Aires is a space both known and enigmatic.
The quarantine is there more declaimed than completed.
What will happen?
A nightmare could not be exorcised a priori. The delight that usually accompanies tremendousism is not convenient either.
But there is a need for realism, truthful information and state action that shines in many areas more because of its absence than because of its declaimed presence.
The First Magistrate must have already warned that modifying the statements according to each interlocutor is not enough to solve problems.
The vice president is silent as always.
And Fabián Gutiérrez, who was his wealthy secretary, will never speak again.